In this article we further analyse the information from the qualitative research on what we reported in an earlier manuscript [1]. That study focused on how and under what conditions Third Agers invest their strengths in unpaid societal and social participation. In line with Broese van Groenou and Van Tilburg [2], we distinguished ‘societal participation’ from ‘social participation’ to emphasize that the former is other-oriented and has an added value for others, whereas the latter is self-oriented and entails recreation, continued education and/or spending time with friends. Societal participation is thus exemplified by volunteering, giving informal care and taking on responsibilities in any of the multifarious civil societal organisations. A further distinction in this context is ‘formal’ versus ‘informal’ societal participation [3], the first conducted within an organisational framework, and the second within a personal network, family, neighbourhood or network of friends. The narratives of Third Age adults revealed three types of involvement, which allowed us to adequately characterise the participation behaviour of all respondents: holistic, inhibited and social consumerist. The first type refers to Third Age adults who are involved in both societal and social participation, formal as well as informal. The second refers to those who are involved in social and informal societal participation but feel too inhibited by time pressure or a perceived lack of opportunity to engage in formal societal participation. The third type characterizes ageing adults who are not committed to either formal or informal societal participation practices but rather focus exclusively on social participation.

Of high relevance to understand their participation is the fact that the increasing numbers of Third Agers coincide with the cultural change labelled ‘the transition [from first] to late modernity’ [4,5]. Whereas first modernity was characterized by a set of socio-cultural norms, attitudes and practices that contrasted with tradition, the post-traditional culture of late modernity results in greater personal reflexivity about the social world and choices within it, thereby transferring agency and responsibility to the individual. Hence, Third Agers, the first generation to illustrate this new late modern culture, grew up in an era of significant societal change, one in which they developed new perceptions of society and people’s functions within it. Yet, although this cultural shift inherently affected this group’s participation practices, barely any research addresses its effects on adult social involvement in later life. Rather, studies tend to focus on a more general description of the Third Age in late modernity [6], or late modern participation among young adults [7] or those in middle adulthood [8]. This study thus aims to shed light on how the intertwining of personal strengths and choices, the cultural context and the role of civil society organisations shapes the lives of today’s Third Age adults. In particular, it contributes to the ongoing debate about the role of the current Third Age adults in late modern society by analysing the perspectives and narratives of Third Age adults themselves.

Onset of late modern culture

The cultural context of current Third Age adults’ participation practices has been variously termed second modernity [6], liquid modernity [9] and reflexive modernity [10]. We, however, choose the term late modernity [5] to refer to the era, beginning in the 1960s, which typically followed first modernity in industrial societies. The core characteristics of the first modern era were rationality, belief in progress through science, the conviction that society can be perfected, and the pursuit of social equality [11], although the roles people played depended on the social group to which they belonged and its collectively imposed ideals [11,12]. The social order was thus founded on familial ties, social classes and gender, while participation was shaped by membership in social clubs and voluntary associations, informal socializing and church attendance [13].

Late modern culture departs from this profile in two important ways; namely, detraditionalization and reflexivity. The first, which is a key central feature of the first to late modern transition, means individuals are less guided by traditional values or the pressure and conditions of their social position. Their values and convictions are thus decreasingly associated with or formed by their religion, social class and/or birth cohort [14]. Rather, personal motivation and intentional choices assume greater importance, as manifested by a greater desire for self-direction [15,16]. Put simply, individuals want to take their lives into their own hands based on rational considerations.

The second central feature, reflexivity, refers to the tendency for individuals to actively shape, reflect on and monitor themselves, crafting their biographical narratives as they go through life [5]. Hence, whereas in first modernity, identity was predominantly structured by people’s social positions as they built up a standard life biography [17]; in late modernity, people want to be responsible for their own biographies and networks [14]. In fact, the growing importance of self-expression results in pressure on individuals to create their own identities from multifarious options (e.g. to get married or simply live together; to be religious or atheist; to play football, tennis or watch television). As a result, the first modern term ‘standard biography’ has been replaced by the phrase ‘biography of choice’.

Despite these apparent contrasts, however, Giddens [5] sees late modernity not as a radical break from first modernity but rather a further stage in the development of modern society [18] that has gradually evolved out of it. Hence, at the same point in time, first and late modern life styles can co-exist. We thus expect many Third Agers, whose childhood was rooted in first modernity, to continue exhibiting its characteristics or influences, including specific values and/or behavioural patterns [7,18-20].

Participation in late modern culture

Two major characteristics of late modernity, ‘self-direction’ and ‘self-centredness’ [21], are especially relevant to Third Ager participation in that they touch upon both their motivation to participate and their choice of participatory mode. The first, self-direction, is reflected in how these adults organize their own activities (e.g. travelling) or how they select the cultural activities that appeal to them (e.g. concerts or exhibitions). It also manifests in their selective participation in organizational activities, based not on their interest in an organisation’s entire programme but rather in specific elements, framing this type of participation as a commitment to self-chosen responsibilities [22]. Alternatively, they can be critical of a civil society organisation [23,24] and thus less committed to it than in the first modern cultural context [14]. In fact, late modern individuals do not want to be tied to an organisation and certainly not to only one [8].

The second characteristic, self-centredness [25], applies more to Third Age adults in late modernity than to the young old in first modern culture because the former are aware of and concerned with the development and investment of their own self-perceived qualities and strengths [26]. Their desire for self-fulfilment is therefore better realized in other-directed activities or social participation. This is not to say that self-centredness is synonymous with a lack of involvement or low societal participation by other generations, but rather that, for the late modern individual, personal goals tend to outweigh more collectively directed goals. Self-centredness thus takes the form of a desire to enjoy life and a type of hedonism [6,18,21] manifested in an increased preference for activities that foster personal development and a sense of personal well-being, sometimes linked to a consumerist attitude. Unfortunately, this latter has prompted some authors to depict Third Age adults as selfish [27].

Drawing on all these observations, this present analysis of our narratives explores how the onset of late modern culture is reflected in the participation of current Third Age adults, with a particular focus on self-direction and self-centredness.

Holistic engagement pattern

The first modern characteristics that predominate in the holistic participation context include engagement with others, a structural framework and a loyalty to the organisational totality that typifies the first modern mode. Also notable are the respondents’ adoption of organisational values and large time investment in a broad range of activities. A prototypical example: ‘I've always been quite social, so I have actively supported associations. People pulling the cart are always needed’. It is also typical of first modernity that individuals want their engagement to benefit other people. Nevertheless, the motivations expressed by this group exhibit a mixed pattern: whereas the strong motivation to do something for society is typically first modern, the emphasis on personal fulfilment – including autonomy, self-development and life enjoyment – are all congruent with late modern culture.

the clearest indication that current Third Age adults are part of the late modern culture is their expectations for civil society organisations. That is, when speaking about participation, regardless of whether it is within an organisational framework, they express ideas and concerns that reflect late modernity: free choice, tailored engagement, a focus on volunteer well-being, and interest in innovations. They also dissociate with initiatives that could be linked to what they perceive as ‘old people’. For example, a respondent vehemently complained about ‘activities for older people, I am sick of them. Like free transportation by train or bus for elderly people or cycling every Wednesday with a group of retired people. I abhor those stereotypes. It gives an impression of being marginalised, of being part of a separate group’. Hence, although the holistic participants were behaving in a largely first modern manner, they appeared to frame their participation predominantly in a late modern way.

Inhibited engagement pattern

Were these respondents given an opportunity to participate formally, they would do so in rather traditional contexts, which, like their caring for others out of a sense of duty, leans towards first modernity: that is, an intensive time investment with little free choice in the framework of rather fixed societal structures such as the family and neighbourhood. Nevertheless, those waiting for invitations to invest their skills actually exhibited a mix of first and late modern characteristics. On the one hand, their awareness of their own strengths can be viewed in a late modern cultural context. A respondent qualified his willingness to invest his professional skills: ‘I have expertise as a social worker, manager and director. Organisations may ask me to lead projects and groups or chair meetings and so on. I limit myself to short-term commitments. I also want to remain the boss of my own calendar. And of course, the theme should match my expertise’. Yet neither their attitude of expectancy nor their dependence on organisations to find a use for their skills is in keeping with the late modern tendency towards self-direction. On the other hand, although these respondents were focused on first modern civil society organizations, they were not choosing organisations based on these agencies’ goals but rather on the opportunity to use their own strengths. This focus is typical of a late modern perception of participation in which it is not loyalty to the organisation that prevails but rather the concern for personal development and self-expression.

Social consumerist engagement

Because the social consumerist lifestyle focuses on the personal concerns at the centre of an individual’s life and contacts with other people (as long as they are useful), it is probably best suited to the late modern personality. The respondents’ expectations for organisations also reflect a late modern detachment from imposed structures, such as traditional organisations for the elderly. Hence, taking into account the self-centredness of those who withdrew, which we see as a characteristic of individualization in late modern people, and the importance of personal choice, their behaviour matches best with late modernity. Also characteristic of a late modern mode of participation is their preference for free choice of activities over choice of organisation.

In recognition that the cultural change from first to late modernity [4] affects both societal and social participation [7,11], this analysis explores the extent to which late modern culture characterises the participation of Third Age adults. In particular, it strives to identify which types of participation practices prevail.

Our key finding is that first modern and late modern cultural characteristics are intertwined in the participation practices of respondents showing holistic activity and inhibited engagement patterns. That is, although the practices are predominantly first modern in their focus on benefiting others and (usual) locus in a formal organisational context, their motivational rationale is only partly first modern (as expressed by a sense of duty) and partly late modern (e.g. an emphasis on autonomy). Likewise, although some respondents ascribe many of their values to their education and family, they also place importance on the late modern values of self-expression and development. They also link the motivation for their engagement in part to influences related to their social position but in part to their own deliberate choices. Hence, the cultural context of many respondents’ intentions, which are partly late modern, does not coincide with their actual behaviour, which is often first modern. Such may also be the case for those exhibiting the inhibited engagement pattern. These respondents seemed to engage intensively in informal care but reported a lack of time or opportunity to also invest in formal societal participation. Although this finding could be indicative of overburdening or ignorance about opportunities to engage, it could also be a sign that the way organisations recruit volunteers is no longer in keeping with the expectations, objectives or capabilities of these Third Age adults. In general, it could mean that the societal conditions for societal participation have deteriorated or are no longer available to this population.

The pattern most in keeping with the characteristics of the late modern culture is the social consumerist, which conforms to Laslett’s [28] conception of the Third Age as the crown of life, in which people are liberated from external restrictions and free to pursue their own projects and plan their own lives. In this stage, they do not engage in societal participation but rather socialise and enjoy life and find satisfaction in their social contacts and leisure activities. As a result, this participation pattern among Third Age adults is often criticised as a threat to younger age groups [29]. In fact, some authors do relate social consumerist behaviour to increasing selfishness on the part of older adults [27,30,31], however, the findings from our study, based on both the holistic activity and inhibited engagement patterns, do not support this conclusion.

Several authors also caution that first modern organisations may lose their attraction for Third Agers, claiming that late modern people prefer a different kind of engagement than is offered by most first modern civil society organisations [33-34]. In particular, people expect organisations to offer them an opportunity to engage in a specific theme rather than demanding total commitment. They want to be free to decide how much time to invest and hope to meet people interested in the same topic. In fact, not only were the Third Age adults we interviewed minimally involved in the new organisations mentioned in the Introduction, but even when attributing a positive role to first modern organisations, their expectations for the organisation and their conditions for participation were late modern. Also noteworthy is that these late modern expectations remained similar across the participation types.